Spyridon “Spyros” Tsironis, born in Patras in 1976, is a Greek physiotherapist and member of the Hellenic Parliament with the Niki party. He earned his physiotherapy degree from the National Academy of Physical Education and Sport in Bucharest, followed by a master’s in healthcare management and a PhD in athlete rehabilitation. Professionally, Tsironis has served at Patras’ General Hospital “Agios Andreas” and as an assistant professor at the University of Patras’ Faculty of Physiotherapy. In the June 2023 elections, he was elected to the Hellenic Parliament representing the Achaea constituency. Within parliament, he holds roles as a parliamentary representative and serves on both the European Affairs and Economic Affairs Committees.
NIKI, though a relatively young party, has quickly gained recognition for its outspoken and unwavering defense of traditional values and the Orthodox Church in Greece. In recent years, the country has undergone a significant cultural and religious shift to the left. How would you describe the current landscape in these areas, and do you believe there is a viable path to reclaiming ground on issues like family values and education?
NIKI’s unexpected entry into the Greek Parliament two years ago proves that there is always a way to resist and defend our values, no matter how powerless we may sometimes feel. NIKI is more than just a political party—it is a movement. Its full name, NIKI (which means “Victory” in Greek) Democratic Patriotic Movement, reflects its foundation in the Greek people and its mission to protect our national and Greek Orthodox identity. This movement stands against the egalitarianism that globalization seeks to impose and the rampant individualism poisoning our youth and society as a whole. The system is actively pushing people away from the values that bind communities together, but NIKI is here to stand firm in their defense.
Yes, so the real question is: do you believe there’s a chance to push back on family values?
I answered this from the start. NIKI’s election itself is proof. It was a party no one had heard of, built not by career politicians but by ordinary people—teachers, community members, and churchgoers. Its success shows that resistance is not only possible but already happening. And if we look beyond Greece, similar developments in other countries confirm that this movement is not just feasible but gaining momentum.
Donald Trump’s early actions in office demonstrated that even in a stronghold of liberal-left ideology, many excesses of LGBT and gender policies could be rolled back in a matter of days. Do you think a Trump presidency could support NIKI and similar movements across Europe? Could conservative forces in Greece, in particular, leverage his leadership to realign the country’s social and cultural policies with traditional Christian values?
Well, first and foremost, Donald Trump’s victory was a victory for ordinary people. Now, you might argue that Trump himself isn’t exactly “ordinary”—he’s a billionaire, after all. But the key point is that he represented the everyday citizens, and that’s precisely why he won the popular vote in the U.S. For us, beyond the political aspects of the Trump movement—MAGA and everything it stands for—his win was a triumph for the common people.
This victory goes beyond party politics; it sends a powerful message and acts as a brake on the direction the West—particularly Europe and America—has been heading. Take Europe, for instance. Right after Trump’s election, the continent’s ruling elites started scrambling, shifting the woke agenda from an inevitable future to a contested narrative.
A perfect example is Greece. Not long ago, Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis was insisting that we must fight against “the tyranny of the majority”—meaning that small groups were being oppressed by the larger population of “ordinary people.” But the day after Trump’s election, he completely flipped his position. In an interview—I can’t recall if it was Bloomberg or another outlet—he suddenly argued the opposite, saying we must resist “the tyranny of the normal people.”
Why this sudden shift? Because the ruling class sees their entire narrative collapsing. The climate agenda, for instance—while not a complete fabrication—has been exploited for business and financial gain, creating massive economic problems in Europe. Meanwhile, the same failed policies have fueled conflicts like the war in Ukraine. Now, as these policies unravel, people are waking up. Politicians, elites, and even the media are adjusting their rhetoric accordingly.
Before Trump’s election, European journalists spoke about him in the most extreme, negative terms. But suddenly, within a week of his inauguration, the same media figures started moderating their stance, expressing skepticism about the war narrative. This shift wasn’t because of anything Trump had done yet—it was because of the message his election sent. It was a message from the ordinary people of the West, demanding a course correction.
It seems that many conservatives in Greece have been misled into supporting the centrist, neoliberal New Democracy party. Why do you think that happens? Does the party have a stronghold over media outlets in Greece? What are the main pillars of the party’s dominance, and do you believe institutions like the media and academia could become more open to emerging conservative movements like NIKI?
Greece’s recent political history differs somewhat from the rest of Europe. The country endured a severe financial crisis from 2010 to 2019—arguably continuing even today. During this period, a unique political dynamic emerged.
The worst phase of the crisis coincided with a left-wing government, which ultimately paved the way for New Democracy to gain power. Though traditionally a conservative party, New Democracy shifted toward the center to attract a broader voter base. In doing so, it distanced itself from right-wing and traditional values. I avoid using the terms “right” and “left” here because they are often misunderstood; instead, I frame this as a contrast between traditional values and globalization—Christian Orthodoxy versus what some perceive as the modern “pan-religion” of wokeness.
New Democracy capitalized on the left’s weakness, securing votes from the politically fluid center, a space driven more by pragmatism than ideology. As a result, in 2023, New Democracy won approximately 41% of the vote—levels reminiscent of the 1980s and 1990s. However, as the party moved away from conservative principles, new political forces embracing traditional values have begun to grow.
This ideological shift also extends to Greece’s foreign policy. On key issues such as relations with Turkey, Albania, and Skopje (which we do not recognize as “North Macedonia”), as well as the war in Ukraine, Greece has largely followed directives from Brussels and Washington—acting more as a subordinate than as a sovereign decision-maker.
One of the main motivations behind this movement was to oppose the deeply humiliating agreement made with the state of Skopje.
Yes, that’s what I wanted to ask you about. What is your position on that agreement?
Well, when we come to power, we will immediately cancel it. Some might argue that it’s not possible, but the other side consistently breaks the rules. They continue to use the term “Macedonian,” refer to themselves as Macedonians, and keep statues of Alexander the Great, even though they should have been removed. This issue, especially for people in northern Greece, is deeply upsetting.
We know that your party consistently advocates for the interests of Greek communities abroad. Given the ongoing, bloody conflict in Ukraine, I assume you place special emphasis on the Greek diaspora there. What is the current situation regarding their cultural and linguistic rights? How significantly have Ukrainian Greeks been affected by the military actions?
First, I’d like to provide a brief historical background. Approximately 200,000 Greeks live in Ukraine. Of these, 100,000 are officially registered as being of Greek ethnicity in their passports. The other 100,000, though Greek in origin and Greek-speaking, are listed as either Russians or Ukrainians. This is a consequence of the Stalinist era, during which Greeks faced persecution, leading many to alter their official identity out of fear.
The majority of Greeks in Ukraine reside in the Mariupol region of Donbass, which has been severely affected by war—not just since 2022, but since 2014. Given the size and significance of the Greek community in Ukraine, we have long argued that the Greek government should have taken a more balanced stance, rather than aligning unconditionally with the West—particularly the United States under Biden. Instead of blindly following external interests, Greece should have prioritized its own national interest by advocating for the protection of its diaspora. Unfortunately, the government has consistently ignored the plight of Greeks in Ukraine, both in the past and now, despite their suffering since 2014.
We urgently need to assess the current situation of the Greek community in Ukraine. However, obtaining accurate information is difficult. Many members of the diaspora who have relocated to Greece are unwilling to speak openly—understandably so, as they still have relatives in Ukraine and fear repercussions. This makes it all the more essential for the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs to launch an official inquiry into their status.
For this reason, next Monday, Niki will submit a formal question to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to obtain a clear and comprehensive report on the Greek community’s conditions in Ukraine. This issue is of critical importance, especially considering that much of Donbass—where many Greeks lived—is now under Russian occupation. If you check Google Maps and view recent images of the towns surrounding Mariupol, many of them appear devastated, with large areas completely blackened. This strongly suggests significant Greek casualties—yet no official reports have ever acknowledged how many Greeks have died in Ukraine. We must uncover the truth.
What would your party’s position be regarding a peace settlement in Ukraine? Do you believe the interests of Greeks and other national minorities should be considered when discussing the status and structure of post-war Ukraine? I assume you advocate for ensuring that their voices are heard in shaping the future of Ukraine.
The war has caused major problems, not just in Ukraine, but across Europe. One of the most significant impacts has been the energy crisis, which led to inflation and doubled, or even tripled, the cost of living in some cases. My party believes this war must come to an end, and a peaceful solution should be pursued, as it is leading nowhere.
This conflict results only in death and suffering, first and foremost in Ukraine, but also causing hardship across Europe and the rest of the world. It’s clear and natural that we are opposed to the continuation of the war.
There is also the rise of anti-globalist sentiment in Greece, which you touched on earlier. To elaborate, after the economic crisis, we saw the rise of anti-establishment parties, many of which came from the left. These movements had a disproportionately large impact on Greece. What is happening with the nationalist or anti-globalist movement in Greece? After the 2008 economic crisis, we saw the rise of anti-establishment parties that had a disproportionate impact on Greece. Why do you think right-wing anti-establishment parties haven’t been as successful in Greece, compared to what we’ve seen in other countries across Europe?
You’re asking why the nationalist or anti-globalist movement in Greece hasn’t developed in the same way as in other countries. The reason is that Greece’s political system has evolved differently from those in other countries, and the anti-establishment movement hasn’t taken shape in the same way. If you look at the Greek parliament, there are currently three patriotic parties. As NIKI, of course, we are quite differentiated, as we are the only kinematic force with a clear identity and background, while the other parties are personal and controversial. Despite the differences though, they all claim to share common values: they are orthodox, support traditional values, and are opposed to the war in Ukraine, as well as the West’s role in it.
Additionally, in the most recent elections, a fourth patriotic party was elected to the European Parliament. Together, these four parties represent a significant portion of the electorate, with recent polls showing that over 20% of voters support these parties.
The challenge, however, is that these parties are currently fragmented. Everyone is trying to attract voters to their side. What we need to keep in mind is that there is a strong foundation in Greece that continues to support traditional values, and I believe this will grow as long as the political elites in both Europe and Greece continue to ignore the people. When the elites tell the public, “You don’t know what’s best for you, I know better,” while people are suffering and elites are profiting without sharing the wealth, this discontent will only grow.
In Greece, this process sometimes unfolds more quickly than elsewhere. People are becoming increasingly frustrated, and this creates a fertile ground for policies that resonate with traditional values and anti-globalist sentiments. It’s important for everyone in Europe to understand what’s happening in Greece, as it is a strong foundation for the rise of these policies.
Furthermore, there are also studies that show how, in general, people sometimes support strange ideologies in a way similar to being fans of a football team. If the problems don’t directly affect them, they often don’t change their views. However, the reality is that most people in Greece, even those on the left, hold traditional values and have strong faith in the Orthodox religion.
You mentioned the European Parliament earlier. NIKI currently doesn’t sit in any group there. What is the reason for that? And for the next elections, if possible, which group would you choose to join? Are there any parties in Europe with whom you could work or maintain close ties? We know there are three main right-wing groupings in the European Parliament. Which one is closest to your values, and which parties would you be able to collaborate with across Europe?
Look, I don’t want to be too specific at this point, but I can tell you that there are multiple parties and groups in Europe that share common values with us. We are in dialogue with them, to varying degrees. However, it’s important to note that Niki is not a party driven solely by politicians. Our decisions are influenced by the will of the people, so reaching a conclusion isn’t just about counting numbers. We are engaged in ongoing discussions.
We have a presence in the European Parliament, with regular meetings taking place. I believe that, sooner or later, a final decision will be made. Of course, the political landscape in Europe is constantly shifting, especially as we approach the next elections.
Our ideal scenario would be to form an orthodox group, but unfortunately, that’s not possible at the moment because there aren’t enough countries or parties with similar orthodox values. Still, as I mentioned, we share common values with many parties and groups across the European Parliament. We remain open to dialogue and will continue discussing potential collaborations.
And finally, what is your position on NATO? We see NATO’s involvement in Ukraine, as well as its significant role in Serbia, Kosovo, and Metohija. What is your stance on the Kosovo issue? Will Niki recognize Kosovo or not?
We are a country that is in NATO, and there are reasons for our membership. However, it’s true that many NATO members do not pay their fair share of the budget. Greece is one of the few countries—along with Poland and some Baltic states—that contribute more than they are required to in defense spending.
One of the main reasons we remain in NATO is the strategic importance of our neighbor, Turkey. While we do not agree with a few of the NATO’s policies, it’s important to note that these policies are not truly NATO’s own. They reflect the broader policies of the West, specifically the United States and the European Union, with NATO merely following their lead. These decisions are primarily political, with military strategy coming afterward.
The entire political spectrum in Greece so far seems to be opposed to the recognition of Kosovo. In any case, NIKI has no intention of recognizing this pseudo-state.
Is there anything you would like to emphasize or any points you want to clarify that we didn’t touch on today? Perhaps a message you’d like to send from Greece to the European audience?
I just hope that the most important issue we discussed today—the situation of national minorities in Ukraine—will not be overlooked. Greece still has time to address this issue, get properly informed, and play the role it should, given that 200,000 Greeks live in Ukraine. Greece needs to take an active part in any potential solution that arises through negotiations, which I hope will begin soon. Some people may not be very optimistic, but Greece should stop playing the role of the obedient follower—the “good boy” of the class—and start taking a stronger stance.
