Joachim Paul is a German politician and member of the conservative, anti-globalist Alternative for Germany (AfD) party. Born in 1971, he has served as a representative in the Rhineland-Palatinate state parliament and has been active in the party’s media and education policies. Known for his nationalist stance, Paul has faced persecution over his views on immigration and Germany’s historical narratives. Before entering politics, he worked as a journalist and media professional.
After the recent elections, how would you characterize the current political climate in Germany? How would you assess the overall outcome? They’ve doubled their results, marking significant progress, yet they still seem to be facing a political firewall. The establishment—particularly the so-called “radical center”—appears unwilling to accept the will of the people in government. Would you say that’s an accurate assessment?
Yes, that’s correct. You asked about the current mood in Germany—well, post-election polls give us some insight. Even after the election, we’ve continued to gain support, now polling at around 22%. Of course, these are hypothetical voters since no election is imminent, but it shows that our voter base remains strong and stable.
Right now, we’re closely observing the policies of the governing coalition. The CDU is working with the Social Democrats, and when it comes to key issues like government spending and immigration, it’s clear that nothing will fundamentally change. Regardless of the coalition—whether the so-called “Afghanistan coalition” of CDU, SPD, and the Greens or the current “grand coalition” (though “grand” is relative) between SPD and CDU—there’s little sign of meaningful policy shifts.
As a result, public frustration is growing. Many people will soon feel let down by this coalition of unequal partners, and we’re already considering the possibility that it may not hold together for the full four-year term.
Do you anticipate the possibility of snap elections? Given the current economic model, foreign policy approach, and cultural framework, it’s clear that they’re not serving the interests of the German people effectively.
No, not at all. The real challenge lies in securing Germany’s future as a highly industrialized and competitive nation. To achieve this, we need a coalition that embraces a balance of conservative and classical liberal principles—one that upholds traditional values while adopting a pragmatic approach to immigration and economic policy.
Furthermore, reinforcing German identity is crucial. You mentioned the public mood—many Germans no longer feel at home in their own country; they feel like strangers in their own land. The most viable coalition for restoring stability and securing Germany’s future would be a CDU-AfD alliance. However, this remains out of reach due to the so-called “firewall”—a tool of leftist politics designed to ensure that at least one left-wing party always remains in power.
What strategies do you employ to counteract leftist stigmatization and physical attacks? In a system that is openly hostile to the voice of the people you represent, how can you practically navigate and endure such a challenging political landscape?
We are, first and foremost, a social media-driven party. I can tell you that our election campaign faced significant disruption—simply securing venues for events proved nearly impossible. This severely hindered our ability to conduct the campaign as planned.
So, what was our alternative? We turned to social media, doubling down on digital outreach and maximizing our reach online. This approach proved highly effective, and I believe it should remain a central strategy moving forward.
Traditional print media, which is largely left-leaning or liberal, no longer holds the same sway over voter turnout. We are witnessing a transformation in how information is consumed. Given this shift, leveraging social media is not only strategic but also crucial. Unlike physical events, digital platforms are harder for our opponents to obstruct or shut down, making them a powerful tool in ensuring our message reaches the people.
Yes, it’s evident that both academia and the media are largely controlled by left-leaning intellectuals. However, when we examine the election results, we see a stark contrast: young people overwhelmingly supported the AfD, while the older population largely backed the current system. Is that an accurate assessment?
That’s correct. In Germany, the majority of voters are older. This is why the CDU, which tailors its policies to this demographic, continues to perform well. Additionally, this generation is still heavily influenced by what we call “state media.” While these outlets may claim to be independent, their reliance on public funding often makes them informally dependent on the state or other political parties. The influence of this media on the older generation remains significant, which partly explains their critical stance toward the AfD.
In contrast, we have been very successful in reaching younger voters through social media and strategies specifically designed for them. I believe this approach will continue to bring us success moving forward.
When analyzing the results, it’s clear that there’s a noticeable polarization between the western and eastern parts of Germany. The strongest support for our party comes from the east, while the west remains more subdued in its backing. What do you think needs to be done to gain more support in the western regions? And what would be the best approach to engage and attract new voters there?
The western parts of Germany are already showing results similar to those in the east, particularly in certain regions. It’s really just a matter of time before we see more widespread support in the west. I don’t believe we should change our approach for the western regions; while there are different circumstances there, our core program remains solid and effective.
Many voters in eastern and central Germany tend to be more critical of the state and the media, given the region’s historical context. This makes it easier for us to gain traction in these areas. However, I believe it’s only a matter of time before we see similar levels of support in the western parts as well.
Certainly, let’s shift our focus to foreign policy. It’s impossible to ignore the significance of President Trump’s victory in the United States. What we’re witnessing could be described as a unique conservative revolution. How do you view this development, and what is your take on President Trump’s current actions and their implications?
I believe it’s important to shift our focus away from President Trump and instead examine the broader issues affecting Germany. While it’s tempting to concentrate on Trump’s actions, we need to ask why Germany is in its current situation. We can’t control what Trump does, such as his stance on Ukraine, but we should be focusing on why Germany, as a nation, is unable to defend itself. This is not due to Trump, nor is it Putin’s fault—it is the result of years of leftist policies that have weakened our military. Policies that discouraged young people from joining the army, policies that even labeled soldiers as “murderers,” have contributed to Germany’s current defenseless state.
It’s clear that 75% of NATO’s military capabilities are provided by the U.S. The question we need to ask is: What policies led to this imbalance? The answer is leftist policies. Our attention should be on fixing Germany’s defense capabilities, not solely on foreign leaders like Trump.
Regarding NATO and the European Union’s evolving defense strategies, we are seeing a growing militarization and a push for more pro-war policies within the EU. This is concerning. If there were a pro-peace party, how would they approach this new direction?
Our party’s stance is that the war in Ukraine is not Germany’s war, though that doesn’t mean we’re pacifists. We have always advocated for a strong military, believing that every young man should serve. While we may advocate for peace in certain contexts, we are not a pacifist party—we recognize the importance of a robust defense for our country.
Certainly, I’ve been thinking about the Ukrainian context as well. What’s your take on Trump’s recent meeting with Zelensky? Also, there have been new discussions about the Nord Stream 2 pipelines. Do you think they could be revived in the near future?
The AfD was the only party that pushed the German government to take action against those responsible for the Nord Stream attacks. We strongly advocated for the government to use all available resources to identify and hold accountable the terrorists who targeted our infrastructure. As for Nord Stream 2 and other policies, we are not generally opposed to it—this is a distinction we have compared to other parties. However, at this stage, any discussions are purely speculative, so it’s difficult to predict how our stance will evolve in the coming weeks.
As a German lawmaker, how do you assess the possibility of collaboration between the three conservative or new right-wing parties in the European parliament? Do you think there could be a unified platform for these groups, and is it realistic to expect them to succeed in the upcoming European elections? What role do you envision for them in shaping the future of the European Union?
Across Europe, we’re witnessing the rise of populist, conservative, and national-conservative parties, and I believe this shift will profoundly impact the future of the continent. Take Romania, for example, where the current regime is interfering with democratic elections. The forces that have held power for so long may attempt to resist this shift by using such tactics to prevent the transfer of power to other legitimate democratic parties. However, as history has shown, such efforts are unlikely to succeed.
This wave of change is sweeping through Europe, driven not just by concerns over immigration but by a broader discontent with elites who seem disconnected from the needs and concerns of their people. This sentiment is felt across the continent. I believe we will see more and more governments led by populist, patriotic, or new conservative parties, like the AfD, Lega, or similar movements.
As we near the end of our interview, could you share the next steps for Alternative for Germany in terms of your political strategy—whether in Parliament, your program, or leadership? Additionally, is there anything I haven’t asked that you believe is important to mention? Please feel free to share.
The AfD will hold a party convention to introduce a new foundational program. This will not be the same program discussed and voted on during the last party congress; rather, it will be a new direction for our party. We will discuss and refine our key principles, which will likely include some changes, especially at the federal level.
Another important topic is education policy. In Germany, we urgently need a new approach. Our conservative stance emphasizes the importance of competition, and we believe significant changes are necessary. The current left-leaning education policies have weakened Germany. After decades of this, we now face a situation where young people are not being adequately prepared for the challenges of the future. We need to provide better opportunities for students and give them a future that allows them to thrive.
Regarding why younger people are more likely to vote for AfD, it’s not just about the media influence. Younger people are more directly impacted by the state of things—they observe firsthand the conditions in schools, on the streets, and the out-of-control immigration situation. Many young people fear that, in the near future, they will be the only Germans in their classrooms. These issues affect them more deeply than they do older generations, who grew up in a different Federal Republic that, since 2015, has undergone significant transformations, including issues that some may consider indicative of a failing state. This shift in the country’s direction is a big part of why younger people are more likely to vote for AfD.
